Echoes of Truth
- Sharon Chau
- Oct 1
- 8 min read
Updated: Oct 2
Hong Kong’s independent media amidst repression
This article was published in the Oxford Political Review, Summer 2025 Edition. Given the fast-changing landscape of media in Hong Kong, some information here may not be the most updated.
Once upon a time, Hong Kong was regarded as a bastion of free speech and independent journalism – an oasis within China. But over the past decade, this reputation has eroded. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Hong Kong ranked 140th out of 180 countries in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index – a dramatic fall from 18th place when the rankings were first published in 2002. In the words of RSF’s Aleksandra Bielakowska, ‘we have never seen such a sharp and rapid deterioration in the press freedom record of any country or territory.’
A key turning point came in April 2016, when Alibaba founder Jack Ma acquired the South China Morning Post (SCMP) – Hong Kong’s most prominent and credible English-language newspaper. Many worried that the acquisition by a prominent Chinese businessman would make the publication more pro-CCP; a New York Times article published in 2018 argued that SCMP was on a ‘mission to promote China’s soft power.’
Hong Kong’s press landscape only took a turn for the worse after the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill protests. Apple Daily was the poster child for its demise. Founded by Hong Kong businessman Jimmy Lai in 1995, Apple Daily was a popular, tabloid-style newspaper focused on sensationalist stories, including celebrity scoops and political scandals. Its editorial stance had always been anti-China and anti-establishment, with the publication gaining prominence for its vocal support for Hong Kong’s 2014 pro-democracy Umbrella Movement, and aforementioned 2019 protests. In August 2020, after the implementation of Hong Kong’s National Security Law (NSL), Lai was arrested on charges of ‘foreign collusion.’ In June 2021, over 500 police officers raided Apple Daily’s newsroom, froze company assets, and arrested the publication’s top editors. By the end of the month, Apple Daily was forced to shut down. Now, 77-year-old Lai faces multiple charges under the NSL and, if convicted, could receive a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. His trial remains ongoing.
While the collapse of Apple Daily dominated global coverage, it obscured the full extent of the media purge unfolding across Hong Kong. Its closure was followed by the shutdown of Stand News in December 2021 – one of Hong Kong’s last remaining pro-democracy, Chinese-language outlets. The trial of its editors, Chung Pui-kuen and Patrick Lam, became a watershed moment for press freedom in Hong Kong. The two were prosecuted under a colonial-era sedition law instead of the NSL. Both were found guilty and jailed in August 2024 – the court citing 11 of their published articles as ‘seditious’ due to a focus on police brutality and support for Hong Kong independence, as well as criticism of government policies. Following the conviction outcomes, Amnesty International wrote that ‘there has rarely been a more dangerous time to work in media in the city.
This landmark case showed a shift in Hong Kong’s media landscape. Not only was reporting on politically sensitive issues now a potential crime, but editorial stances could too be retroactively criminalised using sedition laws. A chilling effect rippled across the industry. A wave of outlets including Citizen News, FactWire, and more shut down, as editors and journalists recognised the increasing risks associated with their reporting. An International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) report centred on Hong Kong’s journalists in exile painted a bleak picture, finding that two-thirds of respondents did not work in the media industry after moving overseas, primarily due to insurmountable language barriers. Regardless, staying behind was no longer a viable option – at least 900 journalists had lost their jobs with dozens more prosecuted on grounds of endangering national security since the NSL was implemented in 2020.
Independent institutions have also suffered as a result of the systematic dismantling of press freedom in Hong Kong. In April 2022, the Foreign Correspondents’ Club cancelled its annual human rights press awards, because of fears they would ‘unintentionally violate the law.’ The Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA) – Hong Kong’s main press union – has also faced increasing harassment. In July 2024, Wall Street Journal reporter Selina Cheng was fired after becoming HKJA chair, prompting her to file an unfair dismissal claim. In her statement, Cheng wrote that staff were instructed against advocating for press freedom in Hong Kong, even though they could when working in Western countries. By 2025, HKJA had been forced to abandon its annual fundraising gala – hampered by venue cancellations and increasing police scrutiny – underlining the increased fear and repression permeating the city.
Although international watchdogs including Human Rights Watch have condemned Hong Kong’s crackdown on free press, and foreign governments including the United Kingdom and the United States have demanded the release of Jimmy Lai, the Hong Kong government has insisted that press freedom in Hong Kong remains intact so long as journalists ‘do not violate the law.’ This vague and tautological statement reveals the fundamental problem at the heart of the city’s press climate. What constitutes a violation of the law is itself politically defined and so the promise of press freedom becomes hollow.
Given the scale and speed of this crackdown, one might assume that Hong Kong’s independent media landscape has been extinguished entirely. Yet, a surprisingly vibrant ecosystem of independent media still thrives in Hong Kong. Among the most enduring is InMedia Hong Kong, founded in 2004. As one of the city’s oldest independent news platforms, it gained prominence during the 2014 Umbrella Movement, and continues to cover social justice issues, grassroots activism, and political trials. For the non-Chinese speaking population, Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP), established in 2015 due to fears of declining press freedom, is currently one of the only independent, English-language news sources in the city, and regularly delivers breaking news on courtroom trials.
A new generation of media has also emerged after the closure of established outlets since 2020 – many headed up by former journalists laid off from now defunct organisations. Channel C HK, for example, was founded by a small group of former Apple Daily employees in July 2021. Despite covering lighter content, it boasts a loyal following of over 700,000 YouTube subscribers, and 400,000 Instagram followers, serving as one of the most visited news video channels in the city.
Other platforms have leaned more heavily into political and investigative reporting. ReNews, established in April 2022 by veteran journalist Lam Yin-pong (formerly of Stand News), operates as a one-person newsroom. Lam produces daily reports and interviews on underreported stories, focusing in particular on the experiences of political prisoners and civil liberties. ReNews relies entirely on reader support through Patreon and has 125,000 Facebook followers. Hong Kong Feature is another emerging outlet filling the vacuum left by disbanded newsrooms. With a focus on long-form journalism, it offers detailed narratives and human-interest stories that dissect the city’s shifting socio-political terrain. In doing so, it plays a quiet but crucial role in preserving the ethos of independent journalism.
Various outlets have chosen to operate from abroad to ensure editorial safety. For example, Photon Media, founded by exiled journalists including former Apple Daily staff, began operations in Taiwan in April 2023. It aims to maintain a critical lens on developments in Hong Kong, free from the constraints of the NSL. Similarly, Initium Media, which began in Hong Kong, relocated to Singapore in August 2021 amid growing legal threats and censorship. It continues to report on Greater China and international affairs while being committed to journalistic independence.
Even though these media organisations are fragmented, often small, under-resourced and in exile, they form a defiant group that continues to supply Hongkongers with critical news and information. To sustain their operations and maintain editorial independence, many have turned to crowdfunding platforms. For instance, the HKFP has established a presence on Patreon, allowing supporters to contribute financially to the platform’s journalistic endeavours. In their 2025 transparency report, the organisation shared that their newsroom relied mostly on small donations from circa 1,000 readers, combined with revenue from ad sales in order to remain operational. Such funding models are common amongst Hong Kong’s independent media outlets. By cultivating grassroots support, they have fostered communities of readers who see themselves not merely as news consumers, but as active participants in the defence of press freedom.
As traditional avenues of journalism have been systematically dismantled, alternative digital platforms have also stepped in to fill the void. Many Hongkongers have turned to YouTube and Telegram to access independent political commentary. On YouTube, political scientist and columnist Dr. Simon Shen has established a significant presence through his channel Simon Global. The channel offers in-depth analyses of international relations and Hong Kong’s political landscape – frequently featuring guest contributors – to provide viewers with nuanced, intellectual perspectives often lacking in mainstream media. Shen’s academic background and articulate delivery has garnered him a substantial following, complimented by his channel partner Jacky Fung’s wit and sharp observations. MemeHongKong, hosted by media personality Stephen Shiu who openly supported Hong Kong’s protests and civil disobedience, is another prominent YouTube channel with almost a million subscribers. Most of Shiu’s videos are in the form of a one-man commentary, combining satire and political analysis to critique current events in Hong Kong and mainland China through a pro-democracy lens.
Nevertheless, fears of persecution have forced these commentators to move overseas: Shen and Shiu relocating to Taiwan in 2020 and 2019 respectively, and Fung relocating to the United Kingdom in 2023. They are just three of many who have made enormous personal sacrifices to continue disseminating critical information to Hongkongers. Other political commentators who have remained in the city – such as media veteran Wei Ling Li and Chinese University of Hong Kong academic Ivan Choy – continue to navigate a far more constrained environment. They do so with caution, often couching their critiques in academic language to avoid crossing red lines, or by steering clear of the most contentious political topics, such as the jailing of journalists or pro-democracy activists. Their continued presence demonstrates that even under surveillance and censorship, the spirit of inquiry and critique can endure.
Hong Kong’s press freedom has faced unprecedented challenges in the past few years. The implementation of the NSL and subsequent legal action taken against media outlets has significantly curtailed journalistic freedom, illustrated by the closure of prominent pro-democracy media organisations, such as Apple Daily and Stand News. These developments have not only silenced influential voices but have also instilled a climate of fear among journalists.
Despite these adversities, a resilient and adaptive media landscape has emerged. Independent outlets continue to operate, and new platforms spearheaded by former journalists have joined the fight to uphold free speech and free press. Digital platforms have been leveraged by political commentators to ensure ongoing reporting and analysis of sensitive political issues. These acts of resistance exemplify Hongkongers’ commitment to press freedom, and their refusal to allow repression to silence public discourse.
Inasmuch, the future of press freedom in Hong Kong may depend less on legal guarantees than on the resilience of its practitioners and the communities that sustain them. Whether operating underground, abroad, or online, new media platforms and journalists are sketching out the contours of a post-crackdown media landscape. While Hong Kong may never resemble the freewheeling city of decades past, its new media still offers a principled model of reporting and journalistic integrity under pressure. Perhaps one day, this will sprout into the seeds of renewal.
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